The First National Conference on Black Power (also called the First Black Power Conference) was held July 20–23, 1967, in Newark, New Jersey.
It took place days after the Newark Rebellion (July 12–17, 1967), which left 26 people dead and over 1,000 injured. The event was hosted at an Episcopal Church property (Cathedral House / Diocese of Newark) in downtown Newark. Its theme was “The Unity of Black People for the greater good of all.”
More than 1,000 delegates (contemporary reports range from roughly 900–1,100) attended, representing about 286 organizations and institutions from 126 cities across 26 states, plus Bermuda and Nigeria. Dr. Nathaniel (Nathan) Wright Jr., an Episcopal priest and activist, chaired the conference. It built on earlier planning that included a 1966 Black Power Planning Conference linked to Adam Clayton Powell Jr.
Notable participants included Amiri Baraka (then LeRoi Jones), H. Rap Brown (SNCC), Maulana Karenga (US Organization), Floyd McKissick (CORE), Gloria Richardson, Jesse Jackson, Charles 27X Kenyatta, Ossie Davis, and James Farmer, along with representatives from more traditional civil rights groups and nationalist organizations. Workshops addressed political power, economics, culture, education, welfare, community control, international solidarity (including opposition to the Vietnam War, support for Muhammad Ali’s draft refusal, and ties to Africa), and related topics.
The conference produced more than 80 resolutions emphasizing Black Power in political, economic, and cultural affairs. The central outcome was the Black Power Manifesto, which condemned “neo-colonialist control” of Black populations worldwide, called for a unifying “philosophy of Blackness,” urged community control of institutions such as education and welfare, affirmed self-defense, and called for a national dialogue on the idea of a separate homeland or greater political autonomy for Black people in the U.S. Other proposals (many adopted “in spirit”) included sports and consumer boycotts, increased Black political representation, rejection of certain birth-control programs, and support for Black-controlled institutions. A press conference was disrupted by participants seeking to exclude white media.
The Newark gathering marked a major organizational expression of the Black Power movement (popularized by Stokely Carmichael/Kwame Ture in 1966). It continued traditions of 19th-century Black conventions and early Pan-African congresses while shifting emphasis from integrationist civil-rights strategies toward self-determination, nationalism, and institution-building. Later Black Power conferences followed in 1968 and 1969; the Newark meeting is widely regarded as the most significant of the era.
This event is frequently referenced in discussions of Amiri Baraka’s work in Newark, the broader Black Power era, and efforts at community control and political organization in the late 1960s.
Before he was known simply as RBG, Marc Imhotep Cray, M.D. was scanning rare Black history books by hand and giving them away free through his self-built RBG Communiversity. In this documentary, we trace his mission through its founding constitution, its warrior code of conduct, and the single book he believed mattered most: George G. M. James’s 1954 classic, Stolen Legacy – Greek Philosophy Is Stolen Egyptian Philosophy. Walk chapter by chapter through James’s case that Thales, Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle drew their teachings from Egypt’s ancient Mystery School, and that the Memphite Theology, not Athens, is philosophy’s true source. This is a story of erasure, evidence, and one teacher’s refusal to let either fade. Subscribe to Africa Good Life for more untold chapters of Black history, told with the dignity they deserve.
Book Summary
Stolen Legacy By George G. M. James
Stolen Legacy (full title often given as Stolen Legacy: The Greeks Were Not the Authors of Greek Philosophy, But the People of North Africa, Commonly Called the Egyptians) is a 1954 book by George Granville Monah James (1893–1956).
Author and Context
James was a Guyanese-born educator who studied in Britain (Durham University) and the United States (Columbia University). He taught subjects including Greek, logic, mathematics, and philosophy at historically Black colleges, including the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff. He was associated with Prince Hall Freemasonry. The book was published by the Philosophical Library in New York two years before his death.
Core Thesis
James argues that what is called “Greek philosophy” was not original to the Greeks but was derived (or “stolen”) from the ancient Egyptian Mystery System—an advanced body of knowledge in philosophy, science, religion, and the arts developed by the people of North Africa (the Egyptians). He contends that this appropriation created the false impression that Africa contributed nothing to civilization.
Key claims include:
Greek thinkers such as Pythagoras, Plato, Thales, and others studied or drew heavily from Egyptian sources (citing ancient writers like Herodotus who noted Egyptian influence).
Alexander the Great’s conquest and associated figures (including claims involving Aristotle) led to the looting or appropriation of Egyptian knowledge from libraries in Egypt, which was then attributed to Greek authors.
Greek philosophy lacks originality; doctrines on topics like the soul, cosmology, ethics, and science trace back to Egyptian teachings.
The book ends with a call for a “New Philosophy of African Redemption” to correct historical narratives, foster better race relations, and promote pride in African contributions.
It is considered an early work in what later became known as Afrocentric historiography, influencing or paralleling later writers such as Cheikh Anta Diop and aspects of Martin Bernal’s Black Athena.
Reception
In Black Studies, Afrocentric circles, and among readers seeking alternative narratives of African contributions, it has been popular and influential as a corrective to Eurocentric accounts. It is often described as groundbreaking or essential reading in those contexts.
Mainstream classical historians and philosophers have largely rejected it as pseudohistory. Common criticisms include:
Serious chronological errors (e.g., claims about Aristotle and the Library of Alexandria, which was founded after Aristotle’s death).
Heavy reliance on later Masonic or secondary sources rather than primary Egyptian texts or rigorous philology.
Selective or inaccurate use of evidence, philosophical misunderstandings, and a tendency to treat cultural contact or influence as wholesale theft.
Scholars such as Mary Lefkowitz (Not Out of Africa), Wilson J. Moses, Stephen Howe, Ronald H. Fritze, and others have characterized the work as tendentious and methodologically flawed.
Even some sympathetic or nuanced readers acknowledge historical inaccuracies while valuing its rhetorical or cultural aims in the context of mid-20th-century racial dynamics.
In short, Stolen Legacy is a foundational Afrocentric text that forcefully asserts Egyptian/African priority in the origins of Western philosophy. It remains widely circulated in certain educational and activist spaces (including resources associated with accounts like the one in the prior X post), while being viewed by most professional historians of the ancient Mediterranean as unreliable.
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Medical Apartheid (2006) by Harriet A. Washington is a comprehensive historical account of unethical medical experimentation, exploitation, and mistreatment of Black Americans from the colonial era to the early 21st century. It argues that these practices formed a long-standing pattern rather than isolated events, helping explain persistent medical distrust and health disparities. The book won the 2007 National Book Critics Circle Award for Nonfiction and has been influential in discussions of medical ethics and race.
The book is organized into three main parts:
Part 1: A Troubling Tradition covers the 18th and 19th centuries through the early 20th century. It examines how enslaved people were used for medical experiments (often controlled by owners), the development of gynecological procedures by J. Marion Sims on enslaved women without anesthesia, the display of Black bodies as medical or public curiosities, and the widespread use of Black cadavers for dissection (via grave-robbing and disproportionate sourcing from poor or Black populations). It culminates in a detailed account of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study (1932–1972), in which the U.S. Public Health Service observed hundreds of poor Black men with syphilis without providing treatment (even after penicillin became available) to study the disease’s progression. Washington presents Tuskegee as emblematic of a broader continuum rather than a unique aberration.
Part 2: The Usual Subjects addresses 20th-century research involving vulnerable populations. Topics include eugenics-driven or coerced sterilizations (disproportionately affecting Black women), radiation and plutonium experiments, research conducted on prisoners, and studies involving children (including some examining genetics or behavior). The author emphasizes patterns in which Black subjects were frequently selected for higher-risk or non-therapeutic work, often without informed consent.
Part 3: Race, Technology, and Medicine discusses more contemporary issues, including the non-consensual harvesting and use of Henrietta Lacks’s cells (the HeLa line), disparities in clinical research participation and treatment, genetic research, and related technological or public-health applications. The book concludes with an epilogue that notes international parallels and offers recommendations for stronger informed-consent standards, ethics training, and research oversight.
Throughout, Washington draws on medical literature, archival records, and interviews to document specific cases and argue that acknowledging this history is necessary for repairing trust and improving ethical research participation. While the core episodes (such as Tuskegee and certain 19th-century surgical practices) are well-documented historical facts, some reviewers have debated the book’s framing, scale of claims, or specific details; it remains a widely cited and influential survey of the subject.
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Wilson Jeremiah Moses outlines the book’s purpose as a teaching text focused on the self-help, Pan-Africanist, and Black Nationalist traditions in African American history.
The author acknowledges colleagues, family members, and editors who assisted in researching and editing the volume.
Introduction: Classical Black Nationalism
Definition of the Concept:
Classical Black Nationalism is defined as the movement between 1850 and 1925 aimed at creating a sovereign Black nation-state with defined geographical boundaries, typically in Africa.
Unlike 20th-century cultural nationalism, 19th-century Black Nationalism was grounded in religious historicism, Divine Providence, and high-culture aesthetic values.
History of the Movement:
Traces the evolution of Black Nationalist thought from late 18th-century petitions (e.g., Prince Hall) and the Haitian Revolution to 19th-century emigration debates.
Details key historical developments, including Paul Cuffe’s early repatriation plans, Black opposition to the proslavery American Colonization Society (ACS), the nationalist resurgence following the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and Dred Scott decision, and Marcus Garvey’s movement in the 1920s.
Bibliographic Notes:
Highlights of foundational texts and scholarly literature on Black Nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Afrocentricity.
This foundational bibliography organizes key texts across Black Nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Afrocentricity into their historical and conceptual frameworks.
Black nationalism focuses on self-determination, political autonomy, and the creation of separate economic, social, or geographic institutions for people of African descent.
Delany, Martin R. (1852).The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States.
Significance: Written by the man widely considered the “father of Black nationalism,” this text argues for emigration and self-reliance.
Garvey, Marcus (1923).The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (Edited by Amy Jacques Garvey).
Malcolm X (1965).The Autobiography of Malcolm X (With Alex Haley).
Significance: Charts the evolution of 20th-century Black nationalist thought, tracing his journey through the Nation of Islam to orthodox Islam and internationalist Pan-Africanism.
Carmichael, Stokely (Kwame Ture) and Hamilton, Charles V. (1967).Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America.
Significance: Popularized the term “Black Power” and provided a structural framework for Black political independence and solidarity.
Bracey, John H., Meier, August, and Rudwick, Elliott (Eds.). (1970).Black Nationalism in America.
Significance: A comprehensive anthology compiling primary source documents tracing the ideology from the 18th century to the late 20th century.
Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diaspora ethnic groups of African descent.
Du Bois, W.E.B. (1903).The Souls of Black Folk.
Significance: Introduces the concepts of “double consciousness” and the “color line,” laying the intellectual groundwork for Du Bois’s subsequent organizing of the early Pan-African Congresses.
Césaire, Aimé (1950).Discourse on Colonialism.
Significance: A foundational text for the Négritude movement, analyzing the deeply destructive psychological and cultural impacts of European colonialism.
Fanon, Frantz (1961).The Wretched of the Earth.
Significance: A seminal psychological and political analysis of decolonization, national culture, and the role of violence in liberation movements.
Nkrumah, Kwame (1963).Africa Must Unite.
Significance: Written by Ghana’s first president, this text outlines the urgent economic and political case for a unified, socialist United States of Africa to combat neo-colonialism.
Rodney, Walter (1972).How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.
Significance: A groundbreaking historical analysis showing how European exploitation directly caused the structural underdevelopment of the African continent.
Afrocentricity is an epistemological framework that seeks to study African phenomena and people of African descent from the perspective of African subjects rather than through a Eurocentric lens.
Diop, Cheikh Anta (1974).The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality.
Significance: Preceded the formal naming of Afrocentricity, providing the essential historical, linguistic, and anthropological arguments for the African roots of Egyptian civilization.
Asante, Molefi Kete (1980).Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change.
Significance: The text that formally introduced and defined Afrocentricity as a distinct academic discipline and methodological framework.
Asante, Molefi Kete (1987).The Afrocentric Idea.
Significance: Expands the theory into a full critique of Eurocentric hegemony in education, literature, and social sciences.
Karenga, Maulana (1980).Kawaida Theory: An Introductory Outline.
Significance: Details the cultural nationalist philosophy that underpins Kwanzaa, emphasizing the reclamation of African values as a tool for liberation.
Mazama, Ama (Ed.). (2003).The Afrocentric Paradigm.
Significance: A critical collection of essays that outlines the boundaries, defenses, and applications of Afrocentricity across various scholarly fields.
Part One: The Colonization and Emigration Controversy, Preclassical Period
Notes on the State of Virginia (1781–82) by Thomas Jefferson:
Jefferson outlines a proposal to gradually emancipate enslaved Black people and deport them to a separate colony, arguing that racial prejudice and natural distinctions prevent peaceful integration into American society.
Letters to Peter Williams Jr. (1816) and James Forten (1817) by Paul Cuffe:
Paul Cuffe details efforts to establish commercial trade and migration networks between free Black Americans and Sierra Leone.
Letter to Paul Cuffe (1817) by James Forten:
Forten highlights the intense opposition among free Black Philadelphians toward forced colonization by the American Colonization Society, while privately acknowledging his belief that Black people must separate to achieve true independence.
Mutability of Human Affairs (1827) (Freedom’s Journal):
Explores the historical rise and fall of ancient empires, pointing to ancient Egypt and Ethiopia as Black-led centers of civilization and predicting an eventual restoration of Black national dignity.
The Ethiopian Manifesto (1829) by Robert Alexander Young:
Uses prophetic and messianic language to condemn slaveholders, warn of divine judgment, and predict the arrival of a divine leader ordained to unite Black people into a sovereign nation.
An Appeal in Four Articles (1830) by David Walker:
Delivers a passionate critique of American slavery, compares Black Americans to the biblical Israelites, rejects forced colonization to Africa, and calls for Black unity, self-education, and resistance against oppression.
Address at the African Masonic Hall (1833) by Maria Stewart:
Condemns white oppression while calling on Black men and youth to abandon trivial distractions, pursue moral and intellectual advancement, and fearlessly fight for their rights.
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NB: Clickable Note-slide_Extended Definitions of African Ontology, Epistemology and Axiology
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Ubuntu (or Afro-communitarianism)
RBG | “YOU MUST THINK OF YOURSELF AS A NATION”, Honorable Dr. Amos Wilson
Related: RBG SS| Art of Knowledge Collection (interactive articles and presentations over the years.) “A Current Student Work / Learning Project”
Book Summary
Dean E. Robinson’s Black Nationalism in American Politics and Thought (Cambridge University Press, 2001) examines arguments and activism for separate black statehood or institutional control from the mid-nineteenth century to the late twentieth century. Its central claim is that black nationalism is not a timeless, unchanging anti-assimilationist impulse. Instead, it draws on the political strategies and intellectual assumptions dominant in particular eras of U.S. history, often reproducing ideas linked to racial hierarchy.
Robinson distinguishes a “classical” period (roughly 1850–1925), defined strictly by pursuit of separate statehood, from a “modern” period (especially after World War II), which also includes demands for black administration of key institutions. He argues that classical nationalism was frequently conservative rather than radical, sharing civilizations and Christian frameworks with broader Anglo-American thought, while later forms often rested on an “ethnic paradigm” that treats culture as the main determinant of group status and mobility.
Outline of the book’s structure and main points:
Introduction sets out the thesis that Black Nationalism mirrors era-specific currents in American politics and thought, and that there is no single essential nationalist tradition.
Chapter 1, “Anglo-African Nationalism,” covers mid-nineteenth-century emigration proposals (Martin Delany, James T. Holly, and others) through Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association, treating classical nationalism as a largely conservative response that often echoed prevailing ideas of civilization, Christianity, and racial destiny.
Chapter 2, “Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam,” reassesses Elijah Muhammad’s Nation of Islam as a postwar template and examines Malcolm X’s significance, including how later activists canonized him.
Chapter 3, “Black Nationalist Organizations in the Civil Rights Era,” surveys groups active in the 1960s and early 1970s that advanced territorial or institutional separatism alongside or against integrationist civil-rights strategies.
Chapter 4, “Black Nationalist Discourse,” analyzes the language and arguments used by nationalists in that period and how they related to broader political and intellectual developments.
Chapter 5, “Black Nationalism as Ethnic Pluralism,” argues that much Black Power-era activity, especially in the context of the War on Poverty and Model Cities programs, took the form of demands for black control of local institutions rather than independent statehood.
Chapter 6, “Black Nationalism and the Ethnic Paradigm,” traces how twentieth-century assumptions—that American culture is largely Anglo-Saxon and that cultural traits explain group socioeconomic position—shaped modern nationalist claims about identity, self-help, and mobility.
Chapter 7, “Black Nationalism in the Contemporary Era,” examines Louis Farrakhan’s Nation of Islam and Molefi Kete Asante’s Afrocentricity as leading late-twentieth-century expressions, both grounded in cultural-difference arguments and offering largely idealistic rather than coalition-based programs for empowerment.
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